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A collection of reports from His Majesty's Embassy at Berlin between the accession of Herr Hitler to power in the spring of 1933 and the end of 1935.

№1

Sir H. Rumbold to Sir John Simon.—[Received May 3.)
Berlin, April 26, 1933.

Sir,
HERR HITLER has now been Chancellor for nearly three months...

5. The Chancellor's account of his political career in Mein Kampf contains not only the principles which have guided him during the last fourteen years, but explains how he arrived at these fundamental principles. Stripped of the verbiage in which he has clothed it, Hitler's thesis is extremely simple. He starts with the assertions that man is a fighting animal; therefore the nation is, he concludes, a fighting unit, being a community of fighters.

7...There are only two possible allies for Germany—England and Italy (p. 699). No country will enter into an alliance with a cowardly pacifist State run by democrats and Marxists. So long as Germany does not fend for herself, nobody will fend for her. Germany's lost provinces cannot be gained by solemn
appeals to Heaven or by pious hopes in the League of Nations, but only by force of arms (p. 708). Germany must not repeat the mistake of fighting all her enemies at once. She must single out the most dangerous in turn and attack him with all her forces"

8. Hitler admits that it is difficult to preach chauvinism without attracting undesirable attention, but it can be done. The intuitive insight of the subordinate leaders can be very helpful. There must be no sentimentality, he asserts, about Germany's foreign policy. To attack France for purely sentimental reasons would be foolish. What Germany needs is an increase in territory in Europe. Hitler even argues that Germany's pre-war colonial policy must be abandoned, and that the new Germany must look for expansion to Russia and especially to the Baltic States. He condemns the alliance with Russia because the ultimate aim of all alliances is war. To wage war with Russia against the West would be criminal..

9. How far Hitler is prepared to put his fantastic proposals into operation is of course uncertain, but it is clear that he cannot abandon the cardinal points of his programme any more than Lenin or Mussolini. They are, he declares, the granite pillars on which his policy is supported. He asserts again and again that they cannot be altered or modified. They are the product of profound thought and reflection on his part.